Home | Comment & Analysis    Sunday 15 November 2009

Sufi-Brotherhood conflicts are eminent in Sudan elections and democratic politics

separation
increase
decrease
separation
separation

By Mahgoub El-Tigani

November 13, 2009 – The issues concerning our Nation these days are multi-faceted: (effective ending of the escalated crisis in Darfur to the advantage of the victimized population of the region; democratic transition by fair elections and consensual security measures; faithful procession of the optional unity referendum; due prosecution and eradication of the government’s self-incited corruption; and continuous principled application of the unfulfilled agenda of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) by restructured workable relations with the Sudanese opposition forces and the International Community, especially the United States and the International Criminal Court, among many other national and international concerns).

Politicians have already burdened their agenda with the issue of national elections as a key factor to complete the transition to democratic rule. Political sociologists, including this writer, however, are more concerned with the structural situation of the country, namely the possibilities of harmonizing the North-South state relations to end increasing tensions in the level of state authority and the constitutional jurisdictions of state-managers. But the roles to be played by opposition groups and the International Community are indeed prominent: The latter entities, opposition and internationals, would have to work closely with both Federal (Central) Government and the South Sudan Government to bring about a flexible formula to accomplish the outstanding agenda for the ongoing democratic transition.

A fact often left out in the political formulae of the country’s state of affairs, nevertheless, is that both opposition groups and the International Community would have to consider seriously the urgent need to appreciate indigenous components of the formula in terms of two realities: 1) The Old Society of Sudan led by the Sufi large traditional forces in the North, and 2) the New Sudan’s aspiring groups [of which the anti-democratic extremist NIF/NCP MB ruling party is de facto authority body] the Self-Autonomy Armed Groups (SAAG) chiefly the SPLM, as well as Darfur and the East self-autonomy armed groups manifested a different path of political development in the light of the CPA.

Uniquely different from both groups, the 1930s-2000s Democratic Modern Forces (DMF), namely the secular trades unions, liberal political parties, and voluntary human rights and democracy groups, constituted an independent political category that has consistently forced an independent path of development in the state and society relations. At this point, it is worthy to mention the genius efforts Joseph Garang, the first minister of the newly-established South Affairs Ministry, exerted in the late 1960s to boost DMF relationships in the two parts of the Nation.

The SAAG has shown in the post-CPA years (2005-9) mounting influence in the public life as they evolved in the regions with significant connections in the national and the international space. Except for the NIF/NCP MB hegemony over the State and the national economy, which has been further characterized by financial corruption, abuses of authority (up to the most recent partisan intrusions in the elections’ registration process), and an unprecedented record of human rights violations, the SAAG leading the South, East, and Darfur regions has not yet offered clear democratic styles of governance; instead, they often acted in reaction to the NIF/NCP offensive practices.

Of particular significance, the national and the international media and diplomacy have largely defaulted in appreciating the key issue of highlighting the Old Sudan statuses and roles before and after the CPA and in the future affairs of the country. Because our post-independence national elections revealed the persistent influence of the Umma and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) traditional parties as leading constituencies in the democratic national elections, we will discus briefly the situation of the Old Sudan popular constituencies, which based on Sufi Islam remain the sole real competitor of the NIF/NCP state-supported party in the northern, eastern, western, and central regions of North Sudan.

THE SUDANESE INDIGENOUS MUSLIMS

The international media and diplomacy must first of all recognize that the significance of Islam for the social life of the majority Muslim populations is omnipotent. Over long centuries of cultural and religious adaptations with the deeply rooted African origins of the Nation, the Sudanese society has creatively incorporated principal teachings of Islam, whatever adoptable, in accordance with African cultures and social structures. The only doctrines that most competently contained such adoptions were those of the Sufi traditions of the Sunni Islam that exerted a great effort by their founding jurists to be part of the Sudanese-African belief systems, the prevalent administrative and political self-autonomous arrangements (as in the Darfur agricultural hakorat), and the matrilineal family relations that carried with them tremendous respect to the women as well as the extended family/tribal solidarity communalities in the context of an overwhelming Bedouin and agrarian norms of the social life.

Since the advent of Islam and its peaceful penetration in the indigenous life of the 5-centuries old Nubia Christendom’s, the politics of the country have been firmly founded on this socio-religious amalgam, which is most articulated in the Sufi traditions of the North. This writer disagrees with the opinion that the Sudanese Islam was solely brought into the country by famous Egyptian, Iraqi, and Moroccan jurists. The impact of the Nubian Christians, the inhabitants of the land that basically adopted Islam, and their once-committed clergy of the Church, as well as the influences of Sudanese African cultures, were major sources of the rituals, spiritualities, and beliefs of the post-Christian Sufi traditions together with the worshipping and transactional jurisprudence of classical Islam. The most important inherited authority that documented this fact indirectly by its own unique style was the Tabaqat of Sheikh Mohamed Daif-Allah which reflected a massive mythology of the Sudanese medieval African, Christian, and Islamic heritages. This research area is unnecessarily neglected, although it reveals significant aspects of Sudanese personality and Sufi Islam.

The Sudanese Sufi Islam’s glorious tendencies of peaceful co-existence, equalitarianism, tolerance of social differences, and emphasis on humanitarian relations was nothing but a huge product of the African-Christian-Islamic merges of the country’s cultures and beliefs. In the colonial and the post-independence times, even the secular DMF collaborated openly with prevailing Sufi traditions of the Nation that pervaded both the Muslim and the non-Muslim communities of the North, in particular, in religious, social, and political terms. Still in the South, small groups in the provincial towns exercised the Khatmiya, Ansar, and other Sufi traditions, thus maintaining political commitments to the Umma and the DUP political parties rather than acquiring memberships of the southerner political groups. Besides the warring environment by a prolonged civil war, the lacking of large urban and industrial settings, moreover, precluded the spread of DMF in the villages and towns of the South.

THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD

The Muslim Brotherhood (MB) did not share the same concerns of the Sufi traditions of Sudan. Influenced by the foreign thought of Egyptian, Iranian, and other fundamentalist doctrines, the Brotherhood was destined to align with governments and authorities rather than the Sufi groups throughout the MB experiences with the state and society. Early in the October Revolution 1964, the MB leadership supported the generals of the defunct November 1957-64 dictatorship to enable them to escape legal prosecution. Repeatedly in the 1970s and 1980s of the Nimeiri era, the MB cooperated with the falling regime to inherit almost all its ruling apparatuses only to persecute people.

Later in the April Uprising 1985, the MB collaborated with the Transitional Military Council to ensure political dominance over the upcoming national elections and the ensuing Constituent Assembly. But the biggest victory of the MB striving to monopolize power and wealth was achieved evidently by the June coup 1983 by which the MB monopolized state powers to favor an Islamic Project supported vehemently by international allies in Iran and other Middle East societies. The face of the Sudanese politics indicates prolonged control by the MB over state politics, even after the CPA. Still, the societal conditions, intellectual resistance, and above all Sufi foundation of the Nation persisted as concrete fire walls versus the foreign indoctrination of the NIF/NCP MB rulers.

To understand this situation, we sketch the long-enduring structure of the Sufi life exemplified by the Ansar and the Khatmiya Muslim groups whose religious formulations provided the Umma and the DUP (the major coalition governments succeeding all democratic elections in Sudan) with incomparable sources of support since the early 1930s of the 20th century. Here, the lesson is that the future of a democratically unified Sudan might well hinge on the establishment of a strong political alliance between these two parties, rather than a coalition government that the NIF/NCP MB is most eager to make with them in 2010. In our opinion, such government would inevitably fall into the same authoritative rule the MB thus far exercised throughout the 1990s and the 2000s. The experience of a coalition government of these three parties in the late 1980s produced nothing but the notorious 1989’s MB extremist coup and dictatorial regime.

The Sufi-based Umma and DUP parties should live up to the requirements of removing the dangerous state of affairs of the Nation. Despite 20 years of exclusion from participation in the national decision making of the country, added to unfair representation in the CPA, the International Community must be aware that a stable future of Sudan will never come about without full restoration of the Umma/DUP moderate politics and the Muslim Sufi tolerance of the Sudanese cultural and political diversity. It is always important to ascertain the political impact of this reality with due reference to the results of the democratic elections of Sudan by geographical constituences. In 1958, the Umma won 57 seats and the Unionists [lately DUP] 14. In 1965, Umma received 76 out of 173 seats and the DUP 52. In 1986, the Umma won 97 of 207 seats in Constituent Assembly to form a coalition government with the DUP, the second largest group.

Skipping the vital roles the Old Sudan Umma/DUP large constituencies play in the national elections will always weaken the validity and the reliability of possible analyses of the situation, as it produces nothing but poor insights into the realities and the prospects of a smooth democratic transition in the whole country.

THE OLD SUDAN SUFI MUSLIMS

The aim of this article is to draw attention to the need to assess the influence of major political forces in the 2010 elections with a view to incite sufficient willingness from the part of Western Powers to earn the trust and confidence of the Sudanese in the process of enhancing international cooperation and friendship by diplomatic, trade, and cultural relations as determining factors in the world peace and progression. Interestingly, President Obama approach in his address to the Muslim World in Cairo (June 2009) made a fine example of this desirable action. Earlier, many Western thinkers, including Gouldner, Geertz, Eisenstadt, Rueschemeyer, Huntington, and the Lobbans, to mention a few, observed the top priority of Western foreign services to appreciate the religious beliefs, cultural settings, different languages, and the long list of social domains that characterized the identities of overseas nations differently from the Greek-based civilizations of the West.

Alvin Gouldner (1970: 5) put it eloquently in his masterpiece “The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology”: “The profound transformation of society that many radicals seek cannot be accomplished by political means alone; it cannot be confined to a purely political embodiment… the old society is not held together merely by force and violence, or experience and prudence. The old society maintains itself also through theories and ideologies that establish its harmony over the minds of men, who therefore do not merely bite their tongues but submit to it willingly. It will be impossible either to emancipate men from the old society or to build a humane new one, without beginning, here and now, the construction of a total counter-culture, including new social theories; and it is impossible to do this without a critique of the social theories dominant today.”

A major question, then, is pertinent to: 1) the preparedness of the Sudanese society to accomplish the wisdom of peaceful co-existence within two contradictory forms of the political life, i.e., a spiritual non-worldly order and a secular worldly system of international norms; and 2) the competencies of foreign powers to work with due respect to the cultural particularities and political realities of the country. This means that Western foreign powers, as well as the Arab League and the African Union, must play active roles in close consultation with the People of Sudan, not only the ruling parties, to help the transition to democratic rule.

The democratic opposition’s striving to voice grievances of the vast majority of people culminated in the successful meetings of the Juba Conference (September 2009), which allowed the Old Sudan Umma and DUP opposition groups to share with SAAG and the DMF to discuss key national strategies in conference to redress the CPA faltering implementation towards the overdue establishment of democratic transition and a real implementation of the right to self determination in the South, as well as autonomous rule in the other marginal regions.

Following the Juba Conference (Juba: September 2009), the Khatmiya Guide Mohamed Osman al-Mirghani announced unreserved support to the resolutions of the conference in which the Democratic National Forces (a political umbrella embodying the National Democratic Alliance, Umma, and other opposition groups) expressed irrevocable support to the right of the South to optional unity and the right of Darfur to enjoy peace and development vis-à-vis the MB brutalities and genocide, and the national consensus on a straightened population census and fair democratic elections, of which only the NIF/NCP MB was renegade.

Significantly, the Juba Conference unified the Nation’s willingness to enforce a principled implementation of the CPA that alone shall end the steeping failures geared and engineered by the MB dictatorship. The technically granted parliamentary veto to the NIF, which scored less than 20 percent of the national vote in the latest democratic elections in 1986 before occurrence of the June coup, has been consistently criticized as a source of continuous tensions between the opposition and the NIF/NCP-controlled government. The message is that CPA bilateral deals between the NIF/NCP and the SPLM should be democratically restructured to accommodate fair representation of the Sudanese political forces indiscriminately.

The Western World is not equally aware of this overriding fact, or perhaps the West is too slow to move efficiently to ally with Sufi Muslims, the most enduring social forces of North Sudan, the dynamic SAAG and DMF of the Sudan. The resistance of Sufi Muslims to the Brotherhood demagogic authority is a fact that has been permeating the social structure, the consciousness of masses, and the ever-increasing popular willingness to eliminate the alienating authority patterns the MB dictatorship initiated and developed in the state-society relationships for two consecutive decades by the continuous persecution of the Old Sudan reformists and the New Sudan revolutionaries.

THE MB FUTURE THREATS

The consequences of the NIF/NCP MB implementation of the CPA, however, revealed the breadth and depth of the political crisis the country is currently suffering as the MB insists on prolonging al-Bashir rule of terror: repressing the country unrelentingly; abusing the CPA to escalate tensions with the peace partner and the South Sudan Government; fixing the notorious security and intelligence apparatus and the Public Order Act; extending the MB authoritative rule beyond constitutional limits; and applying a series of illegal actions in the registration proceedings to monopolize the vote.

The MB political striving to monopolize political power will continue to pose a constant threat to the country’s regular democracy and just peace. The ruling party dictates to entrench anti-democratic traditions continued to terrorize both the Muslim and the non-Muslim populations by the consistent use of institutionalized intrusions in the free press, and the popular activities of civil society groups, irrespective of the CPA treaty and the Interim Constitution.

Added to gross violations of the right to religious belief specially for the non-Muslim population, the freedom of the press, and the other human rights and fundamental freedoms, anti-democratic campaigns never ceased to occur against the Ansar and the Khatmiyya, the SSAG, and the DMF who comprised a multiplicity of indigenous cultures and spiritual practices illegally curtailed in the North by the National Security and Intelligence Department (NSID), despite unauthorized jurisdiction by the Interim Constitution to exercise police powers. These uninterrupted decades of routine repression perpetuated gross abuses of authority against the cultural and religious life of people. Most importantly, incriminating fatawi [religious decrees] by the NIF Shura Council and ‘Ulama [jurist] Committees enjoyed unprecedented support by the government controlled-media to intimidate secular thinking and to apply continuous measures that terrorized the opposition and sterilized the free exchange of intellectual works.

Empowering the Brotherhood’s rank-and-file with this flagrant overriding of the Interim Constitution’s Bill of Rights, including security powers to a variety of non-professional demagogic supporters, has already jeopardized the essential fairness of the scheduled national elections in April 2010. Not only that the fatawi condemned university professors or civil society activists with blasphemy for simply opposing the government’s policies and practices in all spheres of the social and political life; but the MB ‘ulama controlled hundreds of mosques with regular preaching against secular thought and the need to support the “Islamic authorities” against the “enemies of Islam.” Most recently, however, brave Imams of Sufi Islam in Khartoum and other cities criticized publicly the MB authorities and asked for justice and fairness in all processes of national elections.

The failure of the NIF/NCP MB theological state to boost the economic and political development of the country does not mean that the MB incompetency has been completely exhausted, or that they might surrender to an alternative democracy. The MB might perhaps live as a religious social group much longer than the Bashir NIF/NCP ruling or the NIF/NCP split group which joined the opposition ranks as soon as it was removed from government. Unlike the NIF/NCP state beneficiary (1978-1985, 1989 to the present), the MB developed ideological and political support among college students, businesses, and several professional groups since the mid-fifties that, supported by government security and administrative authorities, never ceased to use violence against civil society groups. The MB has adequately maintained social existence in the urban quarters of cities, besides modest influence amongst the non-secular communities of the Bedouin side of the country that had been largely controlled still are by the Ansar and the Khatmiya.

Remarkably limited in size and scope, the MB might never be able to compete largely with the Khatmiya or the Ansar Sufi constituencies in democratic elections, let alone replacing them via non-democratic alliance with the June army officers. A pro-terrorist group, notwithstanding, the MB will always beg for political control by state power rather than democratic competition. Most likely, new terrorist leaderships, including non-Sudanese elements, might emerge in non-democratic alliances inside the Sudan with armed groups that yearn to control civil society by the repressive power of the state versus the voluntary will of civilian population, in spite of the CPA prospects for peace and stable democracy.

The Khatmiya and the Ansar communities have persistently maintained social and religious structures independently from state control, at the time serious political divisions wracked the political parties of the UP and the DUP. True, dictatorial attacks never ceased against popular Islam since independence. Led by MB groups in and outside Sudan, the most recent attempt to dismantle the Ansar/UP and the Khatmiya/DUP entities has completely failed to “inherit” the powerful machinery of these groups by decree.

The NIF war-mongering state managers have feverishly persecuted the Ansar and the Khatmiya, sometimes more than the UP or the DUP, to undermine the Sufi Muslims’ long-enduring self-sufficient economic, spiritual, and ideological existence in the social life. In this destructive process, the authoritative rulers used both containment and exclusionary policies to subdue the Ansar/Khatmiya popular institutions, to no avail. This failure is related to the fact that the Sudanese Muslim society has consistently condemned the state attempts that abused the country’s human resources and national wealth to establish artificial bodies to undermine community organizations, or to control popular voluntary activities.

The NIF/NCP tyrannous rule converted the small portion of the Sudan MB to one of the wealthiest sections of the population by the direct use of government monies and the confiscation of opposition property. The immediate result of these ill-practices reflected in the reduction of the UP-DUP financial power in the market and the impoverishment of large sections of the Khatmiya and the Ansar businesspeople, as well as their farming and working forces. Updated studies indicated the great economic and financial loss of the “traditional conservative business groups” in the production and business sectors to the MB government-supported businesses throughout the 1990s and the early 2000s.

In the recent 2000s, the constitutional office of the Auditor-General’s Chamber charged the central government, top public service employees, and several private companies with annual embezzlements of the public money in billions of dollars (see shro-cairoupdated.org). Moreover, escalated disputes erupted repeatedly between the CPA peace partner, the SPLM ruling party in the South, and the NIF/NCP government about the oil sales and returns. In this respect, the World Bank (2008) noted that, “While the discovery and exploitation of oil resources has facilitated an increase in national wealth, it has also brought a myriad of problems.”

THE FAILURES OF MB REPRESSION

The miserable failure of the MB international movement to indoctrinate the Sudanese society with the MB political ideology should analytically help to separate clearly between the authoritative doctrine of the MB to suppress society by state powers on the one hand, and the daily exercise of religious faith as a fundamental human right exercised by the Ansar, the Khatmiya, and the other Sufi sects as well as the Muslim groups not subscribing in compliance with the structure and functioning of popular Islam to the MB fundamentalist doctrine or their partisan State theology that attempts to govern the whole population by religious discrimination.

While the UP and the DUP party conferences in and outside the country acknowledged the necessity of implementing a national constitution to guarantee the freedom of religious belief as urgent political agenda, the UP and the DUP dissident elements cooperated with the NIF government to subdue the Ansar, the Khatmiya, and the other opposition groups only to fall prey to un-resolvable disputes with large sections of the masses that did not want them to collaborate with the NIF rulers. The few elements of the UP-DUP that became presidential advisers, governors of wilayat [states or provinces], junior state ministers, or winners of some business deals in the service of the NIF rule might have unwittingly helped the Umma/DUP to clear their rank and file of the NIF supporters infiltrating their political or religious bodies.

One of the main results of the NIF failures to override the Sudanese popular institutions was that the Sudanese Sufi groups held strongly to the traditional leadership of the Ansar and the Khatmiya, regardless of the deteriorating economic and financial situation of the sects. Notwithstanding, the Old Sudan Ansar and the Khatmiya institutions, the SAAG, and MDF must be financially supported to be able to compete with the NIF/NCP MB monopolies over both state and market businesses.

Another obvious result was that the NIF policies and practices to succeed the leadership of these large communities by state violence have been neatly defeated, judged by the sustainable independence of the Umma/DUP, SAGG, and DMF from the NIF/NCP MB state monopolies, and the mounting opposition to the MB state and party by students, professionals, and many other working groups, women and men, of whom a majority belongs to the Sufi Muslim groups and the opposition parties against the NIF all over the country. A third result is that the Ansar and the Khatmiya solid representation of popular Islam prevailed consistently over the NIF/NCP MB Iranian-modeled authoritative rule.

If consistently encouraged, the Ansar and the Khatmiya Sufi Islam would survive in strong alliances with the secular forces of Sudan in the post-democratic transition rather than those alliances previously experienced under the MB unpopular order. The MB doctrine works strictly in deep hatred of both western democracy and the Sudanese Sufi Islam and cultural traditions that have been symbolically represented and politically acceptable by the two Old Sudan parties, besides alliances with the SSAG and DMF. The Sufi Islam of the Khatmiya and the Ansar is firmly grounded on a liberal life that had been closely coexisting with western democracy and capitalist democracy for long decades since the closing years of colonial times.

The Ansar, the Khatmiya, the Umma, and the DUP shared increasing national interests with several partners of the secular umbrella of the NDA, notably the communist party, the SPLM, the non-governmental unions and professional associations, the East groups, and the Darfur civilians and armed groups versus the NIF common enemy. In our opinion, these opposition groups might make partial alliances with one another in the elections and the post-elections Sudan. All in all, however, they will continue to struggle, in principle, to stop the NIF/NCP BM state managers from transgressing the right of self-determination, regional autonomous rule, and the other basic public freedoms and fundamental rights.

CONCLUSIONS

In the light of the NIF repressive policies, it might be predicted that the Sudanese current struggles to establish the regular democracy and the permanent and just peace would either end up successfully, or that, regrettably, the NIF/NCP tyrannous rule might engage the country in a renewed eruption of civil war with a strong possibility of regional and international intervention, which could possibly transcend the South-North conflict to the detriment of the continental, inter-continental, and world peace.

To strengthen the positive possibility of a successful democratic transition to an era of post-elections permanent peace and sustainable development, let us repeat the call voiced in the Juba Conference (2009) on the NIF/NCP government by the National Front, the NDA, SPLM, UP-DUP, Darfur civilian and military groups, and civil society organizations to establish an all-Sudanese government to run the next elections. Furthermore, these political forces, including the NIF/NCP MB government, must improve democratic performance and organizational structures to be prepared for the elections and the post-elections era.

A significant step to facilitate this program is for the Ansar and the Khatmiya leaderships to take effective steps to democratize the structural relationships of their organizational activities to touch more deeply upon the general popular movement of their political allies, the democratic modernist parties including the SAAG and DMF versus the NIF/NCP MB extremism and political repression.

To allow Sufi Islam as a vital structural component of the cultural heritage of the Muslim population to act strongly in favor of democracy, all systems of rule, regardless of their ideological or political orientation, must comply with the Bill of Rights and the other constitutional provisions that guarantee the full enjoyment of civil, political, economic, and cultural rights to all citizens, indiscriminately. To facilitate this democratic transformation, the Sudanese ruling systems must fully adhere to the right of people to select freely their own leaderships and organizational settings.

While this writer appreciates the concerns of some thinkers to establish democratic governance by periodical succession, the fundamental principle of democracy, i.e., the people’s voluntary will to keep in office whoever they wish to govern their public affairs, should not give way to the necessary emphasis on periodical succession. This fact applies to the succession issue in most African nations. It is only when the elected leader decides to step down within a legal period of office that the electorate would find another leader. With more implementation of democratic rules on the basis of this fundamental principle, the Sudanese people will certainly enjoy voluntarily greater levels of democracy than those thus far attained.

* The author is a sociologist at the Department of Social Work & Sociology in Tennessee State University, Nashville TN, USA. He can be reached at emehawari@hotmail.com



The views expressed in the 'Comment and Analysis' section are solely the opinions of the writers. The veracity of any claims made are the responsibility of the author not Sudan Tribune.

If you want to submit an opinion piece or an analysis please email it to comment@sudantribune.com

Sudan Tribune reserves the right to edit articles before publication. Please include your full name, relevant personal information and political affiliations.
Comments on the Sudan Tribune website must abide by the following rules. Contravention of these rules will lead to the user losing their Sudan Tribune account with immediate effect.

- No inciting violence
- No inappropriate or offensive language
- No racism, tribalism or sectarianism
- No inappropriate or derogatory remarks
- No deviation from the topic of the article
- No advertising, spamming or links
- No incomprehensible comments

Due to the unprecedented amount of racist and offensive language on the site, Sudan Tribune tries to vet all comments on the site.

There is now also a limit of 400 words per comment. If you want to express yourself in more detail than this allows, please e-mail your comment as an article to comment@sudantribune.com

Kind regards,

The Sudan Tribune editorial team.
  • 15 November 2009 02:38, by Akol Liai Mager

    Dear Mr Al-Tigani,

    I and the rest of so-long oppressed African people of this country called Sudan are optimistically waiting for SPLM to declare the Cadidacy of the most Hounarable SPLM Member Mr Malik Agar to up-route the fanatic clique once and for good.

    Declaration of Agar’s Cadidacy by SPLM will not only gives this secondalised and oppressed masses of Sudan, it will put an end to inhumane, divisive and separation laws imposed on the citizens by those who have nothing more than robbing and protecting the stolen wealth by business minded NIF, Mahdi and Merghani families.

    Mohamed Yousif Abu Arrira a former minister of Commerce was sacked by Sadiq and Mohamed Osman Al-Merghani because of his couragious remarks when he said; "We the ruling parties leaders must choose between Power and Business." Mr Abu Arrira went on saying that "I preferred leaving business to the Sudanese people as we already got the power, because having people giving us power means we must serve them, not them serving us" the man got sacked for that.

    This time Mr Malik Agar, armed with New Sudan vision will put an end to all miseries in this country, and will then either disintegrate peacefully, or united peacefully with new constitutionalised system in place.

    Akol Liai

    repondre message

    • 15 November 2009 20:33, by Wende Yongaptheeth

      To hell with religious based sectarian parties.

      The Mahdiya and Khatmiya are the deviles and enemies number one of the Sudan. The Mahdiyas who called themselves ansars have their political arm called the Umma Party while the Khatmiyas have the DUP(a foreign implant racist pan arabist which advocates for unity of Sudan with Egypt)

      The religious based sectarians parties have been in power since independent and have abused state power, committed horendous human rights and launched unprecendented repression and oppressions on the Sudanese people including irreversable marginalization of regions that are dominated by non hybrid or pure blooded Sudanese be them Christians or Muslims.

      This rally cry of sectarian parties have nothing to do with patriotism, salvation for Sudan, availement of democracy, but more to do with lust or desire for power and the oil money which acrues with it.The old Islamic based sectarian parties have nothing to offer to the Sudanese, but are playing political football.

      When was the last time the Mahdiyas and Khatmiyas did not have power except in the last 20 years and what solutions did they offer except genocide in South Sudan, East, Blue Nile. The Muslim Brotherhood only committed genocide in Darfur and in the recent past parts of South Sudan.
      So brother Tighani, stop trying to tell us who is responsilbe for the current woes of our country and who can offer a credible, honest, equittable and durable solutions. We know who took us into this abyss and we know who will take us out and Ansaris(Mahdiyas or your Umma Party),Khatmiyas, or DUP are not among them or the saviors.

      repondre message

      • 17 November 2009 01:36, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

        Brother Wende,

        Unfortunately, there is not a single party in politics in our country or elsewhere that didn’t have devils. The challenge is to commit the parties to make success of the CPA national program which fruitful agenda came about by the struggles of the Sudanese democrats since the 1960s Round Table Conference up to the 1980s Ambo, Koka Dam, Sudanese Peace Agreement, among many others. Thus shared by almost all parties, except the NIF anti-democratic front, pursuing national agenda to move our Nation out of dictataorial rule was no one group’s work (Old Sudan, New Sudan, or Modern Democratic Forces); it is a high-level national, democratic, and international mission that needs every demcoratic Sudanese to take part. Elsewise, the dictatorship might survive simply on thefailures of the opposition to unify against the common enemy.

        Mahgoub

        repondre message

    • 16 November 2009 16:03, by Sudani

      I support Malik Agar’s candidacy too.

      He is one of the few decent and reliable ones.

      But did u know that he is a Khatmi? i.e. he follows the khatmiyya sufi order which is headed by Mawlana???

      We in Sudan need to really understand our history. Sufi orders are the backbone of the old and new peaceful sudanese values.

      By the way Dr. Tigani Ansar is not a Sufi order by any means...a brief look at the Mahdiya’s history and their improisonment of leaders and destruction of mosques and attacks on villages during the era of Alkhalifa Abdullahi can easily prove this....

      repondre message

      • 17 November 2009 02:22, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

        Dear Sudani,

        Ansar al-Mahdi are a deeply rooted Sufi group: their founding leader, Mohamed Ahmed al-Mahdi was a devout Sufi disciple until he developed his political leadership in Gazira Aba and proclaimed himself the Promised Savior of the Sudanese from the Egyptian-Ottoman repressive governance. Khalifa Abdullahi was a Sufi disciple of Mohamed Ahmed who became the first believer in the Mahdist mission. The Khalifa background was quite spiritual since his father was a Sheikh teaching the Qur’an in his own Khalwa. States and armies, however, are not institutions governed by Sufi peaceful spiritualities. This is true in the present time too where human rights activists desperately try to convince army generals all over the world to adopt the Geneva protocols to protect civilians with little or negligible success. The performance of al-Mahdiya State and military expansionism did not follow the Sufi traditions of the Sufi leaderships (al-Mahdi and al-Khalifa). Adopting a Jihadist doctrine to protect the new government from both internal and external attacks was further met with both domestic resistance and world hostilities that finally destroyed the Mahdiya.
        The descendants of the Ansar in the 21st century are not the same and one Jihadists of al-Mahdi and his Khalifa in the 19th century. Millions of these Muslims are disciples of Sufi Sheikhs besides ideological commitments to the traditions of their ancestry. True, the Ansar large constituencies have been violently repressed by dictatorial regimes; but the Ansar resisted consistently and their leaderships were often imprisoned and forced to live in exile for long years. Mostly Bedouin, as many southerners, westerners, and easterners are, the Ansar and the others are brave and generous Sudanese whose societies must be advanced by modern services, education, and the other facilities because the permanent peace and fair peace in the whole country is the ultimate national democratic goal. The Ansar right to believe in their own Sufi spiritualities, leaderships, and traditions is a genuine human right that is equally guaranteed to the other Sudanese by the CPA, interim Constitution, and international norms, irrespective of differences in religion, ethnicity, or any other criterion. As intellectuals, we need to promote such mutual respect between our people to be able to accomplish the most critical outstanding achievement – eradicating dictatorial rule and stabilizing democracy and human rights.

        Mahgoub

        repondre message

    • 17 November 2009 01:10, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

      Dear Akol,

      I agree with you, Abu Harira is a distinguished DUP national leader. His brave stands are needed in the present time and in the post-election times. Many DUP, Umma, and Modern Forces shared with Abu Harira his popular struggles, as well as many New Sudan supporters. A major issue in the pre-election stage is to strengthen political ties between all these democratic forces in a united front to defeat the dictatorship. This task will not remove basic ideological or political differences between democratic groups, however.
      Political parties, old or new, have frequently committed mistakes. Every single party would likely maintain its own autonomy and self-integrity. In diversity, still with the optional and principled unity, Sudan will achieve successful national programs only by the unified efforts of all its democratic forces. The Juba Conference is a positive step in this direction. We hope such a strong alliance would be effectively tightened so that Agar, Abu Harira, and the other democratic leaderships would be fully supported by people to accomplish the constitutional democratic transition.

      Mahgoub

      repondre message

      • 17 November 2009 10:37, by Akol Liai Mager

        Thanks Mahgoub for your feedback.

        The only thing Northerners, or northern writers including yourself should do, is to advocate for a change that will not bring back those who were in power since fifties to current.

        Voters from the North, West, East and Central Sudan will determine the unity of Sudan through ballot boxes where they will either choose "SPLM for New Sudan and Unity" or else, the Southern Sudanese will then be innocents to be blamed for choosing to be "1st Class citizens, or 2nd Class citizens in their own country" just to borrow Garang’s words.

        Now a days, I could see the changes in northern Sudan’s political language, a change from "What Southerners want," to "do Southerners want to separate our religion from the state?" That little change must go all the way to the biggest, accepting a president who is not an Arab that’s the destination of an acceptable change to Southerners. In the other words, it is what is called "An Attractive Unity"

        repondre message

        • 17 November 2009 14:17, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

          Akol: The very idea of a New Sudan is founded on the one equal citizenship of the Sudanese, not the regional divisions of northerners or southerners, easterners, westerners, central, or far northerners. Emphasizing regional identifications in concrete national issues will not help the political goal of perhaps all democratic parties to bring together a unified front on the country’s interelated national and international democratic issues. Garang was overwhelmingly supported by the Sudanese in all parts of the country because he struggled for the one democratically unfied Sudan by modern enforceable constitutional rights for all citizens. Side by side with the SPLM in the front line of his supporters were massive Old Sudan Khatimya and Ansar and the modern forces of the unions and progressive parties. A New Sudan without effective support by these major Sudanese constituencies will only produce North-South, East-West, regionalism that the dictatorship works for more than all other options.

          Mahgoub

          repondre message

          • 17 November 2009 19:45, by Wende Yongaptheeth

            Mahgoub,

            I and most modern Sudanese are not interested in theological deabate that you have been attempting to advocate and that is why I have been reluctant to reponse to your posting. We are more interested in fruitful political debate aims at tackling the fundamental issues facing the country such as the potential disintegration and dismembering of the Sudan, arrest and confinement of war criminals, elections and referendum.

            Thwarting the debate to religious sectarians debates to defend their heritages, traditions, political party affiliations and old great leadership does not help anyone but are parts of muslims extremism and fanticism that place Islamic religion at the center of everything as if the religion is not a divine inspiration.

            We and I are tired of these directions of intellectualism, school of thoughts, discourses and paradyms.
            You attempt to claims that the DUP and UMMA Party have the agenda of democratic transformation that discentralizaion does not has and is the sole national solution to the Sudan woes.
            I belief you are a scholar and being as such, making erroneous hypothetical claims are plegiaristic and discrediting. I stated aboundly clear to you in my first response that resorting to theological debate while debating national issues usually trumped the very aim by making religious sectarian self justification the focal point where the sects and their parties affiliates competes for subordination and superiority at the expenses of the nation and state.

            It is a demagogic style of appealing to what ones feel are the major identity block be them religious majority, ethnic, racial or regional. It is a tired and hopeless old way.
            Actually the Ansars and Khatimiyas are not better then the Muslim brother base on end results measurement to the harm they have done to the Sudan. MB/NIF is far mcuh better then the Ansars and Khatimiya sects because the NIF is clear, unsubtled and not under the carpet. The dubious means and ways the Ansars and Al Mahdists and Sir EL Khatim Khatimiyas sects have wounded, bled and disabled the nation since independent resulted in where we are and what we have. Hence: the old destroyers and dooms causers cannot be saviors at the same time. The NIF inherited the wars, genocides and national destruction projects from the old parties.

            The MB/NIF has better alternative to the old parties and its actually the NIF which reversed the destructive gear of the nation after its realized that the old parties and sects have sparked a self-replicating violent that may end in the death of Sudan as a political identity on the face of the Earth.
            I Support the MB/NIF with their agenda because it is they who signed the CPA with the SPLM. IT is also they who have seen the results of destruction including the inddictment of their Chairman by the ICC. They see the consequences and face them and there is no needs for comouflages from UMMA or DU dithers or dubious leadership at this time of crises.

            repondre message

            • 17 November 2009 20:16, by Wende Yongaptheeth

              Mahgoub,

              There is no longer and has never been a cohesive tenets and identity called Sudan and run by Sudanese via electing people of their choices, there was and continue to be a trible enterprise runs by main three Arabized Nubians tribes of Ja’alyeen, Shaigia and Danaqla.

              These above Arabized Nubians tribes are attempting to shape Sudan in their image of choice as Arabic and Islamic state.Your argument falls along the line of their arguments and the only difference you have whether you are Ansaris or Khatimiyan is who take what to the extreme so that the end results are seen quick and that is why my vote among the three devils would go to the NIF.

              I supports the NIF so that they continue your tribal enterprise of Sudan. A state turned into a three Arabized Nubians tribes of Ja’alyeen, Danaqla and Shaigia and lets see the consequences in Darfur, South Sudan, Nuba Mtns, Eastern Sudan and the far North where Nubians remains as Nubians not completely arabized like Ja’alyeen, Danaqla and Shaiguia.

              repondre message

              • 18 November 2009 02:42, by Wende Yongaptheeth

                Tigani,

                There is a problem in the Sudan, because while we have no real arabs among ourselves, we have a fully arabized and Islamized Nubians communities and tribes such as the Ja’aliin, Shagiyia and Danagla who have experienced cultural, traditional, historical, genetical, religious, racial genocides for centuries and eventually surrendered and we assimilated and absorped by the genocide commmitters arabs from Egypt.

                Now that these people are calling themseves arabs and pure muslims. Wow?

                AL Tigani, you and I mean the survivors of Egyptians genocides who worships your master are advancing his goal in Sudan and that is to wipe out all the Nubians, the Funj, the Nubans, the Darfuris, the Nuers and Equatorians and we as indigeneous Sudanese including Al Beshir, Yasser Arman, Dr. Mansour Khalid, Dr. Garang, Gen Kiir Mayardit, Abdel Aziz Adam Al Hillu, Pagan Amum Okech, Osman Taha will never accept anymore.

                We are not arabs but Africans whether we are Muslims or Christians, it does not matter.

                Egyptians genocide on our fellow Africans for centuries such as the construction of the Aswan high Dam and the Dam now Al beshir is constructing on the fith cataract are nothing but a total genocide on the Africans who are facing the Arab world from Hailif triangle to Khartoum Bhari.

                Now the genocide has come to Nuba Mtns, Darfur, Eastern and South Sudan, what are we waiting for?

                This is the arab old conspiracies to own Sudan starting with the arabization of Ja’alyeen, Danaqla and Shaigiya and the rests of 27 Nubians tribes in the North lets alone their attempts to wipe out the Darfuris, Southerners, Nubans, Easterners and now the very identity of Sudan and our own skin on our lands.

                The North of Sudan faces genocide and had been land of genocide for centuries.

                The Arabized Nubians tribes of Ja’alyeen, Danaqla and Shaiquia are now importing arabs from Northern Chads, Mauritania and Northern Nigeria intends to change the demographic make up of Darfur.

                Darfur having been populated by proud African Muslims is unacceptable to the most arabized Nubian government in Khartoum and they are importing what they called pure arabs from west Africa(Janjaweed) is their current names. They are imported, paid sponsor and backed by the most arabized Nubian tribes of Ja’alyeen, Danaqla and Shaiquia who claims themselves arabs in Sudan while they are fully arabized Nubians who have long lost everything including their language, culture, traditions, names hisorical sites and African pride.
                Now these three most arabized Nubians tribes are so jealous of the rest of Africans tribes in the Sudan and they hate African identity to death and always indentify with their genocide perpetrators in the arab world.

                repondre message

                • 18 November 2009 06:42, by Dinka Boy

                  Thanks mr Yongatheeth.
                  Great job.

                  repondre message

                  • 18 November 2009 07:29, by Wende Yongaptheeth

                    Where is this castrated, arabized and Islamized Nubians called Tigani who is running arround advocating his genocide perpetrator’s interests.

                    If the Nubians most arabized tribes of Ja’alyeen, Danagla and Shaiguia are interested in seeing their historical wrong-doings in the Sudan and their complicity in the Egyptians’ genocides on the Nubians, Darfuris, Eastern Bejas, Nuba Mtns and South Sudanese people, we will hung the infertile testicle of this their tribal chief from Ja’alyeen follows by his tribal allies from Shaiguia of Osman or seshman Taha.

                    Fuck the arabized Nubians of Ja’alyeen, Danaqla and Shaiquia who have been messed by the Egyptians and would wants to mess the African Muslims and Christians in the Sudan.

                    repondre message

                    • 18 November 2009 07:39, by Wende Yongaptheeth

                      What is Sufi anyway?

                      Who cares about sufi or any other idiotic coward mastered enslaved groups’ ideas.

                      If the Ja’alyeen, Danaglas and Shaiquias donot reclaim their identities and cultures from their Egyptians masters, genocide perpetrators, Islamizers, arabizers, robbers and ethnic cleansers, are we sorry for them and would want to follow their idiocies of Sufi, Ansars or Khatimiyas crap.

                      We are sorry, we, don’t buy the Mohamed Mahdi or Sir El Khatim crap or Ansar of Mahdi or Sir el Khatim Khatimiya shit.

                      Fuck them and their religious cults of Mahdiya or Khatimiya.

                      We need Sudanese Muslims who will be Sudaniya not Mahdiya or Khatimiya satans cult worshipers.

                      repondre message

                • 18 November 2009 18:12, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

                  Wende: I agree with you many Sudanese people in the North had been African Nubians before they amalgamated with Arabs over long centuries to make the Jaa’li groups of Sudan today. The original African Sudanese of Nubia created with the Arabs a Nubian-Arabic structure without suffering a ghenocide by the Baqt peaceful agreement,religion, intermarriages, economic interests, and cultural exchanges. The ancestry of these Sudanese peoples, whoever they called themselves including Shaigi or Jaa’li became part of the people of Sudan in the other regions of the country by social, cultural and economic realtionships. It is not right to think of them as simply enemies of the Sudanese who are not Jaa’li. True, the colonial administration and many post-independence succeeding dictatroships and anti-democratic governments, in particular, centered the political power and wealth of the Nation in ways that benefitted these groups who had earlier taken advantage of the colonial development policies at the expense of the marginal regions in the South, North, East and West. But the Nubian-Arab Sudanese who became Muslims and adopted the new Nubia-Arab cultures together with full consideration or without consideration to their Nubian origins (such as language) are Sudanese citizens who have equal rights with the other Sudanese by Constitution. All citizens must have full enjoyment of human rights and civil freedoms indiscriminately. As for the influence of Egypt on the Nubian-Arab Sudanese, i.e., the Jaa’li groups with all their divisions, it did happen in history in varying degrees. Egypt was and continues to be a most significant neighbor of Sudan. The interests of the two nations are compelling even if some governments (Especially the NIF Brotherhood regime) tried to stop them by actions against the interests of the Sudanese and against international law. Aside from the Egyptian-Ottoman atrocities against the Sudanese in the 19th century, Egypt helped Sudan to gain independence and to develop as a modern new State with education, technical training, etc. Sudan supported Egypt in exchange in different ways, including trade and diplomacy. Much can be achieved with mutual understanding and improvement in bilateral relations. The Sudanese have done a great effort to maintain an independenet entity from Egypt and for that purpose Sudanese have to come together as one strong unified nation to serve their national interests and development needs with mutual respect.

                  repondre message

          • 18 November 2009 12:48, by Akol Liai Mager

            You did not respond to my view fully Mr mahgoub, democracy and unified effort in your view seemd to suggest that, New Sudan and Old Sudan forces should rally behind Al Sayeedein Mohamed Osman El Merghani of Khatimiya and Sadiq El Ssidiq Abdrahaman of Ansar.

            You would be lying to yourself if this is what democracy meant you. The Sayeedein, the UMMA and DUP parties have been replacing each other in power for ages and nothing happened other than massactring African Sudanese in the name of Islam and Arab culture. They all fought SPLM, and if they admitted that SPLM was right, they should rally behind SPLM Candidates to defeat NIF in both Presidential and Parliamentarian elections.

            When we come to telling the facts; NIF leaders are the far right wings of both UMMA and DUP, you may deny this, but that’s what the New Sudan masses know.

            I am more unionist than yourself Mr Mahgoub, but with pre-conditions: 1. Northerners must vote for unity this time just once in April 2010 elections by voting for a unionist Party calls SPLM. This is because Sotherners have vote for unity more than enough. They did it at Rajab-Juba Conference 1947, Round Table 1964, Addis Ababa 1972, Bilpam 1983, Addis Ababa2 November 1988, EGAD 1-7 and Abuja 1 & 2 .

            2. As Electing Sayeedein back to power means to you as "democracy," "Electing SPLM Candidates, and electing non-Arab President for Sudan next year means to me "Attractive Unity" and without this attractive unity, Sudan will follow Yugoslavia into history.

            Mr Mahgoub, do not forget to remember Dr Garang’s words after having signed CPA with a separatist NIF Military Junta’s Party saying; "Sudan will never be the same again"

            That statement of Dr Garang means a lot. It could mean; Sudan will disintegrate, or will be ruled without divisive Islamic Laws, or be ruled by the majority Africans, or both minus disintegration.

            Please Mr Mahgoub, include an answer to UMMA, DUP & NIF "divide and rule policy in your respond if you want to.

            Present generation is absolutely immuned against Cheatings, and maybe Northern Families, Racist and Religious Sectarians ought to try other tricks as "Cheating and Divide and rule policy" have been defunctionalised by SPLM New Sudan’s Vision.

            repondre message

            • 18 November 2009 18:26, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

              Akol: I am happy you emphasize unionist ideas. NIF might be analyzed as a right-wing of the Umma/DUP. However, the NIF is a national ultra-extremet terrorist group with international extremist connections and commitments that are fully contradictory to the democratic transition of our Nation, which explains clearly the NIF unabated efforts to weaken the CPA and the shameful abuses of authority and treasury to monopolize elections and dictate its results. I did not say the unified Sudan that the unionists struggled for in the past or in the present time is one that had to be led by Umma or DUP or SPLM or any other particular party. I am saying the very unequal contest between the NIF government and the contending parties (including SPLM) in the ongoing/upcoming elections will not bring about defeat of the NIF dictatorship. A strong unified front by the Old Sudan, New SUdan, and Democratic Modern FOrces will most likely do. That front would possibly select the best candidacy to win elections an dthus rally voters around it. Hope you share your views about the Juba Conference, how much you think it is a step in that direction.

              repondre message

              • 18 November 2009 23:25, by Akol Liai Mager

                Dear Mahgoub,

                You are a Viewer who deserve appreciation for your believe in "Constructive Dialogue," however, Juba’s latest All Parties Conference minus NIF and its militias allies is not too bad, but it has failed to break the Ice Mountains.

                It would have break that Mountains if (I) UMMA, DUP, Communist Parties called on SPLM to nominate its Presidential Candidate with an intention to support him/her as a unified Presidential Candidate for the group, but it simply failed to do that as that meant to me, the sectarian parties need their come back with a bless from SPLM. (II) UMMA and DUP need to apologise to the victim of 50 years of killing, chasing away people and terrorising them.

                By the way, the brutal Popular Defence Force (PDF)known with its Jihadist Mission in Sudan started in the time of UMMA & DUP era and was just modernised by NIF.

                I would like to see your view about "Democracy, Defeating NIF and the Unity of this country after SPLM declare its Presidential Candidate; especially if that Candidate would be Mr Malik Agar, I wish and hope that SPLM would be wise enough to select Mr Agar for the sake of defeating NIF and preserving the unity of our beloved country.

                I don’t worry about Candidates’s religions are, I only worry about electing thos who always stick to a divisive religious parties and individuals alike because they will disintegrate this country without doubt.

                repondre message

                • 19 November 2009 07:38, by Wende Yongaptheeth

                  A single human being has so many identities to him or her not only religion and religion is not what you see when you meet a human person.

                  Why the arabized Nubians neglects their other identities and put more emphasis on relgion as if they are religious items not humans in communties and society?

                  repondre message

                  • 19 November 2009 07:49, by Wende Yongaptheeth

                    Unity is not a bad thing or bad idea.

                    Unity depends on the majority of Sudanese who are Africans Sudanese not Nubians who are lost and claims themselves to be arabs.
                    The Africans in Sudan are the majority and this is why the arabized nubians always runs to religion as a way of forming the new and artificial majority in the Sudan.That is an old way of thoughts and now one is going to follow, hear or buy it anymore.
                    Talking on religious sects all the time as a way of garnering majority is an old card in the hands of lost or Arabized Nubians. The Arabized Nubians have lost everything including their culture, tradition, language and religion and became bastards of the arabs. Now they wants everyone in the Sudan to follow their bastardy and being client and dumping ground of the arab world and Egypt.

                    repondre message

                  • 20 November 2009 18:27, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

                    Wonde, you are right: a human entity mirrors complex identifications. But the way humans prefer a certain identification over other identificatoins is a human right. Hence, a Sudanese who prefers sectarian ideas over secular ideas, for example, is exercising a human right exactly as another Sudanese who prefers secular views to sectarian ones enjoys that right. I think you are also right wanting Sudanese,regardless of ethnicity or religion, to emphasize their one citizenship. The best human exchange I think is the mutual respect of the right of all humans to enjoy their own preferences in peace. To maintain this situation and to be able to develop human exchange to higher degrees of human productive existence, all Sudanese need to exercise firmly the right of mutual respect and the freedom to sustain it by Constiutional Law. The CPA and the Bill of Rights guarantee these rights. Still the biggest issue is for the State Authorities in the first place besides all Sudanese parties ini government or opposition together with the civil society groups and individuals to implement the CPA and the Bill of Rights on a daily basis. We will need a strong All-Sudanese well-represented elected Parliament and an independent Judiciary to judge over these matters, as well. Not a single Sudanese is exempted from this duty. But as is thus far clear, the NIF/NCP MB ruling party is again and again frustrating the Nation by illegal control and intrusions in the registration and election process. We need a unified front to stop this wrong.

                    repondre message

                • 20 November 2009 15:05, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

                  Dear Akol,

                  I agree with you, in principle, about the issue of trust-building (including due apologies to the victimized peoples of Sudan). I think further that the most significant challenge for all former ruling parties and dictatorial regimes since 1955 up to the present time, above all the NIF Brotherhood warring regime is not to apologize simply to the victims of the civil wars they recklessly initiated and developed in almost every part of the country; but they should demonstrate with practical enforceable stands and programs that they are committed to ensure the fundamental freedoms and international human rights for all citizens, especially the victims of war (increasing in Darfur and already living a dehumanized life in displaced areas in and outside Sudan).Sudan governments and power groups (including the SPLM too) should consistently pursue a new page of sincere long-enduring trust building policies and practices. Additionally, the Old Sudan parties must promote their internal life with more democratization and SPLM has a great role to bring all Southerners to a unified democratic South. Darfur and the East armed groups and civilian parties must show working programs to win the dear trust of the citizens in the region. The National Democratic Alliance (which accommodated apparently the National Front that participated in the Juba Conference) has done a very good job supporting the unionist SPLM and producing some of the best documents the Sudanese agreed upon on development agenda. Of all these parties, I argue based on NDA record, which was based on the Umma/SPLM Kokadam agreements and the SPLM/DUP Sudanese Peace Agreement among others, that the only pariah party only political and authority enemy working against the principled democratic unity has been the NIF Brotherhood dictatorship. All the others have shown commitments in varying degrees (all promising) to achieve the national democratic program. Intellectuals have a role to encourage this direction to help reduce divisive propensities among the opposition parties that of course will stabilize rather than defeat the Beast. Democratic parties (old, new and modern forces) must first establish a workable program in the elections based on consensus on both internal and external policies in the upcoming period. In that, opposition program must cease to be skewed to Arab-Islamic versus Western-secular. Program has to be open to a principled implementation of the CPA and an improved Constitution more expressive of international human rights norms. With that, complex as it seems but more perhaps expressive of Sudan realities and possible prospects, let us hope new prominent and most promising Sudanese democrats would spring up from the lines of democracy. Only then, I think, SPLM candidate Malik Agar and the other candidates cherishing and practically manifesting the best of this Program agree on one of them as a national presidential candidate to move forward supported by such powerful consensusto do the People’s Will.

                  Mahgoub

                  repondre message

                  • 21 November 2009 02:22, by Wende Yongaptheeth

                    Tigani,

                    Our debate is interesting as you stated, I agreed with you, nonetheless, I’m neither satisfied with it nor hungry for it. Reasons being that the debate is a quasi-intellectual since its does not suggests or touch on real issus and the question of accountability. You are trying to escape-goat the Muslim Brotherhoods as they are the evils of Sudan and solely responsible for Sudan woes as if the Sudan disasters started in June 1989 when the MB took power.

                    I as a honest Sudanese and a Southerner for that matter sees shear dishonesty in your argument and as you stated in the past that you are in Tennessee USA, I thought you wold be more informed that all the idiots such as Saddiq Al Mahdi, Sawar El Dahab and Al Beshir. Nevertheless, they are more knowledgible then you and knows the dirrections and conditions of Sudan better then you.
                    If you states that all is wanted for the Sudan crimes is an apology for the victims, then I questioned which part of America are you living and where were you in the last 60 years in Sudan to talk like that?

                    You stated that any Sudanese has a choice to used religion or not and that is a point of separation between Darfur and Mid-North, Far North and East, Nuba Mtns and South Sudan and South Sudan from the North. I do not and did not implied that in my all debates. If I choose my prime identity as a man which of course I’m and would want to construct men’s state will that be possible?

                    Say yes and I will says to you time and time again that a single human has so many identities to him or her not only invisible permeates entities such as religion.

                    I’m an Anglican Christian, if I say you must and should be a Christian and my religion must be allowed to take center stage at national debate, will you like that?

                    Of Course I have more World power then you as a Christian because the Christians leads this World from North America, Russia and all Europe followed by the Sikhs in Japan, Buddhist and Jains in China and the Muslims are the most backward religious group and that is why they are so angry.

                    Provocking identities and their historical sites and potential supports will not benefits you as you claims your identity as Sufi muslims and must go that way.

                    Islam must not and should not be quotted or used to rule any part of the Sudan be it Darfur, Nuba Mtns, Eastern, Far North or South Sudan. Anyone with their religious belief must keep them in their house, churches or Mosques. Bringing religion into everything is responsible for genocide in Darfur, South Sudan, Igessenna, Eastern and the Far North where the Egyptians committed the worst hollocust against the Nubians people by submergin their land and homeland at Aswan and Merowe. You think we do not know but we do.
                    That was ethnic cleansing genocide, crime against humanity and cultural genocide. Don’t you see that?

                    Our Debate should stop here as you do not know what I know and do not see what I see.

                    repondre message

                  • 13 December 2009 19:34, by Um Meriam

                    You talk a lot about democracy. But how can democracy really work when almost half of The Sudanese People are illiterate? For democracy to work the people need to read and write about issues. How can this happen when a significant portion of the people are not able to read?
                    First educate the people... than talk about democracy!

                    repondre message

                    • 19 December 2009 02:04, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

                      Education is a perfect way to eradicate illiteracy. There are many ways as well to educate people, besides reading and writing. Raising public awareness with popular activities, including public forums to discuss national and international issues in town halls, villages, sports clubs, and family gatherings are extremely important to disseminate and to apply democratic values. The Sudanese masses, educated or illiterate, are highly concerned about the country’s agenda for peace and democracy. Anthropologists teach, all humans have some knowledge to offer, even if they are not formally educated in the skills of writing and/or reading that definitely enhance their abilities once attainable. But the key factor for knowledge is the full enjoyment of human rights and public freedoms of which the right to education is a major element. So in addition to writing to those who read, one way to increase society concerns about democracy is to talk a lot about it to cherish democracy values and to allow the illiterate to take advantage of formal and informal educational campaigns to eradicate illiteracy.
                      With regards,
                      Mahgoub

                      repondre message

  • 13 December 2009 11:22, by Um Meriam

    As-salamu alaikum my brothers and sisters in Islam,

    I am an American Muslim who is very concerned about what is happening to Muslims around the world.

    May I give some advise to you? As Muslims, it is part of our faith to give advise to each other.

    All Muslims are brothers and sisters to each other. We should not have enmity with each other. Enmity with each other is very sinful and brings much anger from Allah to us. If we have differences with each other we need to address those differences in a gentle and brotherly way.

    Islam is a total way of life. It is a way of life which is perfect for all of humanity. As such, it is important for all Muslim countries (countries in which a great majority of people are Muslims)to apply Islam... all of it, including The Laws of Allah. It is in The Qur’an, Itself, as an order from Allah for us to apply all of His Laws. Anyone who fails to do so, in a Muslim country, is being very sinful and is accountable in front of Allah on the Day of Judgment.

    I am speaking to you as a Muslim sister to her Muslim brothers and sisters in Sudan. I hope you do not find my advise offensive. It is pure Islamic advise which is based on The Qur’an and The Sunneh of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him).

    I pray that Allah will guide you to do that which pleases Him...

    May Allah guide you, protect you, forgive you and bless you ... my dear brothers and sisters in Islam.

    Your sister in Islam,

    Sheila Quinn

    repondre message

    • 19 December 2009 03:10, by Mahgoub El-Tigani

      Thanks, sister Shiela, for your kind advisement. I pray with you to the Almighty Lord, the Most-Benevolent, and All-Forgiving: “Blot our sins, and grant us forgiveness” Amen. All humans are required by their own beliefs as well as international law to end enmity. Unfortunately, authoritative governments, Muslim or non-Muslims, violate religious teachings and the principles of international human rights norms to the detriment of life all over the world. This situation affects the well-being of millions of people and is indeed a top concern to the conscientious politicians and/or the God-fearing believers. The Carter Center (Atlanta, USA) summarizes this fact in the interfaith concerns for “advancing peace and alleviating human suffering.”
      In Sudan, the Muslim Brotherhood organization proved in 20 uninterrupted years of power monopoly that the teachings of Islam on peaceful co-existence and the mutual respect of the human dignity were never implemented by a Divine Right of Brotherhood. The values of Islam as well as those of the other religions would be fully guaranteed in a State that respects by constitutional law the rights and public freedoms of all humans, regardless of any differences in religious beliefs, wealth, social status, political ideology, or other criteria. Islam is a religion of justice and peace.
      The incited civil wars, the genocide and the crimes committed by the authorities against humanity in Darfur where millions of Muslims have been forced by the ruling junta continuously since 2005, Janjaweed highwaymen, People’s Defense Forces, and the state’s formal army and police testify to the fact that the Muslim and the non-Muslim populations will not be able to enjoy the gift of life in sisterly relationships enjoying the bondages of faith and observing the constitutional rights of citizenship unless all religions, ethnicities, and cultures of the country would be peacefully maintained without political manipulation or repression, as the country experienced for long centuries before and after Islam.
      Let us spread the word, criticize the transgressing authorities strongly, and ask them right away to surrender to the Will of People to account for their human rights violations, compensate fairly the innocent victims, and guarantee their rights and freedoms especially the right to life, free movement, organization assembly, and expression in a polity by democratic elections. The accomplishment of these good deeds is much more important to Islam and will please, in sha Allah, the Almighty Lord and His Absolute Justice and Wisdom than all repressive regimes or suppressive groups might possibly do.

      In peace,
      Mahgoub

      repondre message



The following ads are provided by Google. SudanTribune has no authority on it.


Sudan Tribune

Promote your Page too

Latest Comments & Analysis


Why I believe Halayeb Triangle is an Egyptian territory 2017-07-18 22:10:00 By Tor Madira Machier Since the exit of the Anglo-Egyptian colonisation of Sudan, Egypt’s Halayeb Triangle has been a subject of false ownership claim by the Khartoum successive regimes. In fact, (...)

South Sudan Media: An endangered landscape 2017-07-18 21:56:11 By Tor Madira Machier With the disappearance of some websites from South Sudan’s radars on Monday, the news exaggerates fears of government’s advance on media strongholds in the country. What is (...)

The International Community is not the Answer 2017-07-17 11:31:13 By Salah Shuaib The miserable general situations in which we live didn't leave us with a much confidence in the ability of the Great Powers, which are allegedly leading the international (...)


MORE






Latest Press Releases


HRW denounces "collective punishment" in South Sudan’s Wau 2017-04-15 07:06:48 Human Right Watch South Sudan: New Spate of Ethnic Killings Urgent Need for Justice; UN Should Increase Patrols in Wau (Nairobi, April 14, 2017) – Government soldiers and allied militias (...)

Statement by South Sudanese Communist Party on the National Dialoguel 2017-03-22 05:44:42 The Communist Party of South Sudan On the Initiative of the National Dialogue The initiative taken by the President of the Republic of South Sudan declaring a need for a national dialogue is an (...)

An Appeal to President of the Republic of South Sudan 2017-03-15 07:22:45 Dear. Mr. President, I write to appeal to you for the release of political detainees now in the custody of the National Security Service at Jebel and other detention facilities. In doing this, I (...)


MORE

Copyright © 2003-2017 SudanTribune - All rights reserved.